09/11/2003
WECHE MOKADHO
JEXJALUO ****
;
P.O. Box 58972
00200 City Square
Nairobi
Kenya
17th August 2003
NARCOTICS
Kenya marks the 25th anniversary of Mzee Jomo Kenyatta's death on 22nd August 2003 in a unique three pronged fusion. It is the day in 1978 that Mzee Kenyatta passed away, the very same day in 1978 that former Daniel arap Moi ascended to the presidency, and the day in 2003 that the ruling National Rainbow Coalition (NARC), gets to preside over this important day in Kenya's history for the first time.
It will be interesting to see how the NARC government marks the commemoration given the romanticism with the Kenyatta era it has shown so far. For instance, the Central Bank of Kenya has released currency notes bearing Kenyatta's potrait in a purported to save the cost of printing new currency notes. The absurd thing about this move is that brand new currency notes with Kenyatta's potriat have been printed for denominations that belong to the Moi era. When President Kibaki toured Mombasa earlier this year he was criticised by certain coast members of parliament for being entertained by primary school children late into the night, reminiscent of the Kenyatta era. The 22nd of August 2003 nevertheless is an ideal opportunity to do a critique on the three eras that will be fused together on that day.
It has been eight months since the NARC took over power in Kenya in dramatic albeit smooth transition. It is a moment whose significance we cannot fully appreciate this early in NARC’s reign, but which will sink in with time. I was so convinced that the Kenya African National Union (KANU), would romp to victory in December 2002, and even went ahead to put it in writing (see http://kenyapage.net/letters/uncle-dan.html). Everything that there was to go by from experience pointed to a KANU victory. The years 1992 and 1997 were two pre-eminent examples. The events of 2002 in themselves also reeked of a plot to keep KANU in power : the merger of KANU and Raila Odinga’s National Development Party (NDP), the re-deployment of District Commissioners thought to be sympathetic to the then opposition, the setting of election day as Friday, 27th December 2002 smack in the middle of the Christmas holidays when many Kenyans travel upcountry, the premature proroguing of parliament and subseque
nt dissolution of the Constitutional Review Conference, reports of widespread buying of voters’ cards, the delay in printing and delivery of ballot papers and the refusal by the then government to order for transparent ballot boxes, the sacking of Cabinet Ministers and Assistant Ministers, top amongst them Vice-President, George Saitoti, who rebelled against President Moi’s choice of successor, President Moi’s own son Gideon Moi being elected unopposed to his father’s Baringo Central seat after his opponents stood down, the last minute use of government securities to pay off contractors aligned to the then KANU government, and last minute key appointments of KANU loyalists to head state corporations and foreign missions.
An opinion poll that indicated that NARC would romp to a landslide victory in the 2002 general election could not be taken seriously because a similar poll conducted before the 1992 general elections showed that President Mwai Kibaki, then a presidential candidate on the Democratic Party ticket, would win the presidential elections of that year.
KANU fully deserved what it got especially as details of the 2002 general election continue to emerge. But this is as far as it goes so far : the 2002 general elections was more about KANU’s loss than NARC’s victory and this applies as much to the 3,646,277 people who voted for President Mwai Kibaki, as it does to the 1,835,890 people that voted for Uhuru Kenyatta.
NARC was borne out of bitterness and frustration from personal failings, rather than a movement to bring about change in Kenya. This is the delicate reality that President Kibaki and his government must deal with when approaching matters of governance. It appears that this is the primary reason that President Moi chose to relinquish power in the manner that he did, realising that the system he had inherited from Mzee Kenyatta and that he had presided over for 24 years, had grown out of control and become unmanageable
Daniel arap Moi cannot escape blame for the ills that have bedevilled this country for the past several years, but neither can Mzee Jomo Kenyatta, and the rest of us. For every Kenyatta Day, there is a Moi Day, for every Jomo Kenyatta International Airport, there is a Moi International Airport, for every Kenyatta High School, there is a Moi High School, and for every Kenyatta Stadium, there is a Moi stadium. It beats logic therefore to attempt to erase Moi’s legacy and at the same resurrect Kenyatta’s through the use of currency notes, for instance. If this country owes Mzee Jomo Kenyatta alot, it owes Daniel Toroitich arap Moi just as much.
The distasteful manner in which NARC and the rest of us chose to bid farewell to Daniel arap Moi on the 30th of December 2002, shall live to haunt us. Here was a man who kept this country going not for 24 years, but for 35 years, because he could have chosen to align himself with forces opposed to President Kenyatta. President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, present at the December 30th 2002 swearing in ceremony knew this, and it must have been what prompted him to take the unusual step of silencing the crowd, “Nyamazeni !” ( ”Be silent” !). Newly sworn in President Kibaki himself unfortunately did not deem it fit to pay tribute to the man whose rule had enabled him to become president. Daniel arap Moi could have chosen to be like President Gnassingbe Eyadema of Togo and alter the constitution in his favour, but didn’t.
Many would be quick to point out that had he done this he would have been met full strength with the people’s wrath and would have eventually suffered the fate Liberia’s Charles Taylor did this past week. Daniel arap Moi is no such reckless individual and even if he were, he would have been met with feeble resistance. So early into NARC’s reign, we are waning on our commitment to bring change to this country.
At the beginning of this year, the public took it upon itself to stamp out corruption by confronting it head on. Incidents of Traffic policemen being apprehended by members of the public for allegedly soliciting bribes from Public Service Vehicles for instance, were widespread, and for a brief fleeting moment, we were finally on the right track. “Cops” have however long reverted to their bad old ways with patrols openly harassing, intimidating and soliciting bribes from members of the public.
If Daniel arap Moi was the impediment that stood in the way of change in Kenya, then we would have by now made miraculous progress. The vicious manner in which we hounded him out of office was totally uncalled for. He took with the grace and patience that has defined his life, the grace and patience that is both his gift and curse. His gift in that it has built him into what he is today, and his curse because of the extreme provocation and nonsense he has had to endure all these years, including 30th December 2002.
It appears that Daniel arap Moi made a definite decision to relinquish power a long time back. His relinquishing of power on 30th December 2002 and events over the past eight months should prompt a wide revision of history books and his era in particular. I was one of those who for many years viewed Moi as an incorrigible African despot, bad for Africa and Kenya in particular. For many years also, I contemptuously dismissed the view that Moi was a well-intentioned individual, and that it was those around him that were a menace. My views on these matters have changed drastically over the past eight months.
Moi’s realization that he was dealing with a system that had become incorrigible appears to have dawned on him many years ago. Eight years ago a scandal was reported in the media regarding non-remittance of allowances for the presidential escort, that led to the redeployment of the then Head of the Presidential Escort, and a reshuffle in certain key police positions. Moi was understandably stunned beyond comprehension and is said to have remarked, “You mean I am being guarded by hungry people ?!” The perpetrators of such acts were Moi’s trusted aides, men whose careers he had accelerated, and this deadly lack of responsibility and commitment must have been of great concern to Moi. The scandal where individuals close to Moi allocated themselves large tracts of the Mt. Kenya forest under the deception that it was for legitimate use by a foreign based reputable organization that had met all laid conditions, also comes to mind. Moi gave his signed authority, revoked it after the scandal broke, but was no less pained.
The lack of appreciation appears to have extended to unexpected quarters. In his semi-satirical, semi-serious comic column of 4th January 2003, leading Kenyan cartoonist “Maddo” of the “East African Standard”, quotes Moi as saying “But I am not a candidate” in response to an election request for money from Mama Ngina Kenyatta, Uhuru Kenyatta’s wealthy mother and keeper of Mzee Kenyatta’s vast estate.
On the 12th of January 2003 the East African Standard through it’s “Sunday Standard” paper carried an extensive and informative feature on “Moi’s final days in State House”. Some of the things reported were very alarming and a sure indicator that KANU had just about lost direction completely. It is reported that two Cabinet Ministers visited Moi at his private Kabarak residence on Christmas eve 2002, and three days before the general election, no doubt to beg for funds. Moi is quoted as asking them who it is that was campaigning for them in their absence at this crucial time ! This is no doubt admission on even Moi’s part, that KANU was in turbulent waters. The “Sunday Standard” account also revealed how a self-proclaimed KANU activist paid Moi a similar desperate visit on the same day and how a sublimely confident Kenyatta camp had even started making arrangements for the change of curtains at State House, Nairobi !
Legend has it that for several years Moi implored those around him and especially those from his Kalenjin community, to make use of the opportunities they had to build a sound base. It is said that he staked his personal career and that of his government to extend favours to individuals who abandoned him in his hour of need. Kenyatta also suffered the same fate and one notes a striking similarity in the two men and their careers. Legend has it that a powerful Cabinet Minister during Kenyatta’s time once held up an entire Kenyan delegation ready to return home, as he was holed up with a woman an exclusive suite of a prestigious New York Hotel. Kenyatta certainly got to hear of such incidents, and was greatly displeased. Legend also has it that despite propping up several individuals to fame and fortune, the two people that Kenyatta could rely on to be reached at short notice, were Daniel arap Moi himself, and former powerful Attorney General, Charles Njonjo, which certainly end
eared him to the two men. This is probably what kept Kenyatta working to the last day. Legend has it that Kenyatta asked about the whereabouts of his former powerful Minister of State, Mbiyu Koinange, just before he passed way in the early hours of Tuesday, 22nd August 1978. Kenyatta asking for a key state operative just before he died, is an indication that Kenyatta worked to the very end.
What was the so called “Project Uhuru” therefore ? One can safely say that it was a decoy to facilitate the smooth exit of Daniel arap Moi from power and relocation to the less strenuous fringes of public life, and the launching pad of the political careers of both his son and that of his former boss, comrade and friend, scions to two vast and wealthy empires. Apart from incumbency, Moi did not put any real input into the just concluded general election and 1,835,890 votes is therefore a huge credit for Uhuru Kenyatta. It turns out that Moi’s threat of “making the opposition tremble”, was a ploy of a larger well planned scheme. The end was however bitter for many of the 1,835,890 people who voted for Uhuru Kenyatta, and especially the small pocket around former President Moi. I at first thought that the media was exaggerating when it reported that highly placed individuals weeped openly as Moi boarded an Air Force helicopter after relinquishing power on 30th December 2002, until I later saw the former powerful Head of the Civil Service weeping on a clip aired on the Kenya Television Network (KTN). These must have been among the individuals who did not heed Moi’s advice over the years.
On Sunday, 16th June 2002 much of Kenya was set ablaze when Senegal beat Sweden through Henri Camara’s golden goal that saw Senegal proceed to the quarter finals of the world’s biggest sporting event, the Soccer World Cup. The spontaneous outpouring of emotion, joy, pride and happiness across the country was something to behold and remember. This was something for Africa, by Africans, for Africans. One would have thought Senegal was Kenya and Kenya was Senegal, as crowds of people jogged around major towns in Kenya chanting “Senegal !”, “Senegal !” One would have thought that Senegal had won the World Cup. A part of Africa had been redeemed by Senegal’s great feat, and there was holding back.
Six and a half months later on Sunday, 29th December 2002, it became clear that then NARC presidential candidate Mwai Kibaki and his NARC party had garnered an unassailable lead against his chief opponent Uhuru Kenyatta and the then ruling party, KANU. Nothing close to what was witnessed on the 16th of June 2002, was however seen on this momentous day on 29th December 2002, save for muted chants of “Rainbow !” This is a clear indication that NARC is not a movement. The people of Kenya felt more passionately for a conquering African soccer team, than it did for it’s own popularly elected government.
The challenge before the democratically elected NARC government therefore, is to mould the fiercely patriotic Nation that Kenyatta and Moi were unable to. Launching a new fleet of buses for the Kenya Bus Services Limited in November 1999, Moi partly said to the crowd present that “Kenya hi, ni Kenya yenu” (“this is your country, and treat it as such”). I take him much more seriously now than I did then. This must form the theme and central drive of the NARC government.
This country appears to have lost all sense of itself. We are today an amorphous and directionless society desparate to fill the gaping voids in our lives. Unfortunately, Daniel arap Moi found himself the target of this vicious and misplaced animosity. Many like myself are beneficiaries of his reign having acquired our education, skills and training during his era, but do not see it that way. If we did not make greater strides, then we have only ourselves to blame. We must take stock of our actions and failures and avoid this repulsive culture that has taken root in this country of blaming imaginary forces.
One of the areas that NARC will encounter difficulty is in the sensitive area of employment. For five years I headed a small family business that I credit with making me who I am today. One of the most difficult, disappointing and unforgivable experiences I encountered in those five years was the perception I got from people that this was dead end career. I could read the disregard from those around me however hard I worked, however professional I tried to be. Those I expected to support me the most supported me the least. The business has since gone under like so many other African businesses in this country, but I am grateful for the experience it gave me. It was a big blow to my beliefs, nevertheless. The 1970s and 1980s were a period when we fondly and proudly saw ourselves and referred to ourselves as “miro” (black). I blame myself and the family for not driving hard enough to keep the business going, but must nevertheless point out that this country has not moulded an image of self pride.Even those with the best paying plum jobs are forever bickering about economic hardship. The word “small” has no place in this country because all of us a “Big men” in a Nation that tortures under the weight of our inflated egos.
We all ride around in the same expensive vehicles regardless of the neighbourhoods we reside, we all have the same expensive cell phones, we all drink the same alcoholic beverages, expensive or otherwise, and all run into each other at the same brothels. Practically everybody is attending night school nowadays, but the commensurate improvement in proficiency and delivery, is sadly lacking. One would have thought that the added education and training would make us better people, yet we still hurl vicious diatribes at each other for no good reason. This is a country where everybody is somebody and everybody nobody. This is the country that the NARC government inherits and one can only hope that they are aware of this, and are up to the monumental task that lies before them.
We can blame colonialism, Kenyatta or Moi, but we are in a mess that needs correcting. Last year I stood with a friend at the local shopping centre having an informal discussion. Disillusioned with what this country had come to, my friend referred to a time in the near future when things would grind to a halt in this country, when a respected old man in the locality emerged from a local pub and proceeded to urinate smack in the middle of the shopping centre during peak hours. My friend and I stared in shock and disbelief at this spectacle and after it was over my friend remarked to me in the typical blend of Kiswahili and English spoken in this country, “No, infact, hi kitu ime simama !” ( “It has ground to a halt !”).
Michael Mundia Kamau
Ka in gi mari moro ma di wandik ka to
orni
Akelo nyar Kager
jaluo@jaluo.com
Daher winjo dwondi in bende,
iwinjo?
Inyalo oro twak kod weche manyien ne: Mig. Ajos wuod Atiga
WuonAbila@jaluo.com
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