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A TRIBUTE TO THE MAJESTIC PEOPLE OF KENYA

Denver, Colorado, September 11^th, 2007

By MIGUNA MIGUNA

Originally, I intended to prepare a paper titled: "The Road to the Third Liberation of Kenya is strewn with Blood." My plan was to take you on a journey of our liberation struggles starting with the struggle of Kenyan Afrikans against the British colonialists. For indeed that was just the beginning of what has now been about two hundred and seven (207) years of liberation struggles. Oh yes, that’s not an exaggeration at all! That’s how long our people have been kept chained under "organized" political, economic and cultural strangulation by both foreign forces and their local henchmen (they are almost always men). It has been more than a life sentence. In many respects, it exceeds a death sentence; for no human being has lived that long.

I use the word "organized" because prior to colonization, most of our peoples’ problems were sporadic. There were occasional skirmishes between communities over grazing land, water or animals. And although stronger and more organized communities might have dominated a weaker group for some time, these were not codified, institutionalized and legalized. Invariably, the weaker community would either be assimilated and/or fully integrated into the stronger one; or it would flee to other areas.

Of course, if we were to trace our peoples’ sojourns through antiquity, we would meet Kingdoms and Empires, similar in nature and operation to the European ones. However, I am limiting my journey to 1800 onwards.

I am sure there are people listening to this or reading it with educated skepticism, wondering whether I am not just another confused alarmist trying to rekindle the long buried embers of history. There are those who, for whatever reasons, earnestly believe that history, especially those aspects showing the rapacious nature of the colonial authorities, should be completely covered with large boulders, never to be re-learnt or – thank goodness – repeated.

However, I recount the history of our national liberation struggles from 1800, when written records (mark you, records left behind by the colonialists) acknowledge the first European encroachment into our territories that they later named "Kenya;" the name being a fantastic mangle of the Gikuyu word "Kirinyaga," which was their way of showing reverence to the gigantic slab extending upwards, and to the Gikuyu, touching the tropical blue sky. Later, that humongous natural slab was also renamed "Mount Kenya."

Our liberation struggles have been fought on three fronts. The first front was an agitation for the repossession of land that the British colonialists had forcefully expropriated from the indigenous peoples; more than forty individual cultural and linguistic communities that inhabit the country we call Kenya. That phase of our peoples’ struggle included but was not limited to petitions and peaceful demonstrations.

These were sporadic, poorly organized and local. Our people were still dazed and confused by the deceptive manner that the British used to encroach onto our land. We were also greatly disadvantaged by linguistic differences. Without one common language that our people could use to organize and mobilize the different communities, unity was elusive. In addition, they exploited the Afrikans' belief systems of morality and spirituality through the instrument of religion. They tethered the minds of the Afrikans by invoking the notion of the "life-after" and glorifying suffering and submissiveness on earth, assuring "the flock" that it was the way to guarantee blissful life after death.

Moreover, the British had devised very effective and clever divide-and-rule policies around cultural and traditional differences of our people; preferring to engender and promote suspicions, negative competition, jealousy and rivalries between communities; always pretending to be propping up one community against the other. The result was that the indigenous peoples could not unite, even to champion for their liberation.

The second front involved the slow adoption of more organized and violent means of confronting the colonial oppressors. This was formulated only as the last resort once the Afrikans realized that petitions and disorganized peaceful matches had not and would not bring the necessary results.

By 1950s, there was a growing number of Afrikans who had been conscripted to fight in numerous British wars abroad. Many of our people had returned from these wars more enlightened. They saw how Europeans were savagely killing each other over things they could not understand. These veterans also realized that the British did not have any monopoly over knowledge or military prowess. The two "world wars" had also demystified the (then) misguided belief among Afrikans that Caucasians were immortal.

Essentially, the colonizer was humanized in the eyes of the colonized.

The Afrikan war veterans also became more familiar with modern weaponry. They learnt how to handle and even make some of the most sophisticated weapons.

The First and second "world war" veterans realized that the colonizer was not that brave, skillful or intelligent after all. In the battlefield, the Afrikan veterans demonstrated more valour than the British. All of a sudden, the Afrikan veteran started feeling equal, even superior, in some respects, to the colonizer.

And as this feeling of pride and self-assurance was being felt, a few Afrikans were also learning European history, languages and cultures. These were happening through churches, military institutions and informally.

Slowly, Afrikans were traveling far and wide into other regions, towns and "countries" within Kenya. More and more Afrikans were beginning to be fluent in more than one language. In addition, certain languages like Kiswahili were emerging as a common lingua franca.

The European wars also presented an opportunity for Afrikans from different communities to intermingle, interact and bond. This, in turn, resulted in a need to develop communal solidarity that transcended the "tribe." These developments added an impetus for the more nationalistic and freedom inspired Afrikans to devise new and more effective means of struggle for liberation.

With the new skills, the development of a common language, more trade and interactions between our peoples, we begun to form and belong to welfare and political organizations as well as trade unions whose mandates were to engage in diplomatic, political and organized agitation for the peoples’ interests. Ultimately, some of the main liberation organizations crystallized into more coherent groups and focused their objectives into a demand for political independence.

It was assumed by the majority of our people that independence would automatically bring back the expropriated land, freedoms and self governance.

However, each stage or state of our struggles – whether it was peaceful, diplomatic or violent – was invariably met with colonial ruthlessness, savagery and extreme inhumane violence, far out of proportion to the tepid means adopted by our people.

Tens of thousands of our people were butchered, massacred, their limbs chopped off, families dislocated and more land expropriated.

The British used superior fire power in an attempt to quell the uprising and our peoples’ struggles for independence.

Ironically, most of the killing, pillage, plunder and destruction were perpetrated by our own people, working as agents and collaborators for the colonizers.

But the Majestic People of Kenya were persistent, vigilant and creative in their struggles, and so, in 1963, the British gave up their hold and Kenya became independent.

Unfortunately, trust trumped vigilance when time came to replace the colonial governors with "indigenous" Afrikan leadership. The majority of our people became unfocused, less vigilant and were contented with the feeling that since the "indigenous" people were taking over political power from the colonialists, their interests as a people would be automatically guaranteed! Our people forgot to question the real interests, commitments and priorities of those who were switching chairs with the colonial governors. That unconditional trust was a major blunder that our people have never fully recovered from.

Jomo Kenyatta became the first president of an "independent" Kenya. He, together with a sizeable number of high-ranking Afrikan officials in his government, had contributed little to the struggle. For instance, Kenyatta, Mbiyu Koinange and Dr. Gikonyo Kiano had spent most of their formative years in England and other English Commonwealth territories where they were indoctrinated, culturally alienation, fed the toxins of capitalism like rapacious selfishness and individualism and made to spite the communal Afrikan values.

As such, within a short period of three years, the long awaited and blood-splattered independence became a nightmare, with some of the most virulent agents of colonialism and British collaborators – the so-called home guards – essentially performing a coup against the people’s independence and transforming it into the worst betrayal of a liberation struggle ever.

By 1966, Kenyatta and some of the home guards managed to outwit their nationalist and patriotic colleagues and transformed what had promised to be the best constitutional democracy in Afrika into a de facto one party autocracy. So that instead of agrarian land reforms, the new Afrikan autocrats engaged in a frenzy of massive looting of public resources, including land, tribalism and repression hitherto unimagined by the ordinary citizen. Suddenly, the amount of land, huge palaces, businesses and farms a politician "owned" within five to ten years of so-called independence had became the most elegant achievement. Those who refused to join this looting spree like Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Joseph Murumbi, Bildad Kagia, Achieng' Oneko and others were scorned, abused and banished from public life altogether! The notion of social wellbeing of others, which formed the core of most Afrikan cultures and traditions, was trashed by these self-seeking leaders. Even worse, both the Kenyatta and Moi regimes engaged in deliberate, conscious and systematic campaigns of inculcating greed, rapacious theft, tribalism and sectarianism as part of our national mores to the extent that in Kenya today, the most selfish, corrupt and jingoistic is usually the most successful and/or rich! Sadly, the Kibaki administration that was popularly installed by the people of Kenya to bring positive fundamental changes has closely followed, and in many respects, surpasses the repugnant policies of the two past regimes.

This is a situation that must be changed and completely transformed. And the time to do that is now!

Rather than implement drastic infrastructure developments for Kenya, the Kenyatta, Moi and Kibaki regimes introduced and perpetuated a Bantustan approach to development. Public resources have been diverted to selected enclaves in Central, Nairobi, Rift Valley and to some extent Coast provinces depending on the number of politicians that had joined the looting caravan or the where the looters fancy to "invest."

To the extent that Kenyatta who came out of colonial imprisonment at independence a pauper without even a house (because the British had expropriated all his modest possessions), suddenly became the largest land owner and business magnate in the country within fifteen short years of being president. To date, the Kenyatta family is by far the largest land owner in the country. They are also among the five wealthiest families in the country. Yet that wealth was not created through work and industry, as it ought to have been!

Instead of returning stolen land to Kenyan peasants who had been reduced to beggars, scavengers and squatters on their own lands, the Kenyatta regime made them indentured slaves, eking out a miserable living from huge farms and factories the new indigenous bourgeoisie had stolen after independence.

Those who tried to resist were jettisoned out of politics, thrown into political and economic wilderness with all avenues for survival blocked. Tens of thousands of Kenyans were detained without trial, imprisoned after trumped up charges and kangaroo convictions, exiled, brutally murdered and assassinated.

We are not talking of the most celebrated political assassinations of Pio Pinto Gama, Tom Mboya, Argwings Kodhek, J.M. Kariuki, Dr. Robert Ouko or Dr. Crispin Odhiambo Mbai.

What I am talking about here are the tens of thousands of the unmentioned victims of the Kisumu Massacre of 1969; those who perished during the Muoroto and Saba Saba uprisings; those murdered in cold blood during the attempted coups of 1971 and 1982; Kenyan workers, students and peasants murdered under the pretext that they were members of underground political movements like MwaKenya, Ngoroko, December 12 ^th Movement, February Eighteen Resistance Army (FERA) and other real or imaginary political formations that were deemed to be threatening to the status quo.

The death of Kenyatta and the taking over by Daniel arap Moi in 1978 did not result into any positive change for Kenyans. Moi himself confessed to being simply a footsteps follower when he coined his Nyayo Philosophy, which essentially and literally meant "following foot steps" of Kenyatta. Moreover, history cannot forget the fact that Moi was among those leaders who condoned Kenyatta’s anti-Kenyan excesses, and hence his only credentials for succeeding Kenyatta was his submissiveness, loyalty and belief in the survival of self over and at the expense of the Afrikan masses.

Moi attempted to exceed Kenyatta’s autocratic excesses in every respect. He stole much more openly and crudely than Kenyatta had done. He murdered more openly and crudely than Kenyatta had done. The only thing that he equaled Kenyatta at is tribalism. Moi had also learnt, during the colonial days, how effective religion was at tethering the minds of many who would otherwise rebel at his excesses. He was adept at invoking God as a means of achieving conformity.

Just about when Kenyans thought that they had wrestled Moi to the ground in 1992 with the repeal of section 2A of the Constitution and the reintroduction of multi party politics, the Kenyan reactionaries, sectarians and tribalists ingeniously reinvented themselves as democrats, created new political outfits, mesmerized the poverty stricken population with their ill gotten wealth and retained power.

Thus, we saw the current president, Mwai Kibaki, who had been a long serving and loyal Kanu operative for decades and Moi’s deputy for ten years forming the Democratic Party (DP) with some of the most virulent tribalists like Njenga Karume, John Michuki and others. Simeon Nyachae, a long-time Moi loyalist and "business" associate formed Ford People. Another long term Kenyatta and Moi ally, Kenneth Matiba, formed Ford Asili; and so on.

In 2002, when Kenyans heroically succeeded in thwarting Moi’s machinations of continuing to rule through a proxy in the name of Kenyatta’s son, Uhuru, Kibaki deceived the people that he would facilitate the enactment of a popular constitutional draft known as the "Bomas Draft" within one hundred days upon taking power. The Bomas Draft enshrined the devolution of power from the central government to the localities, the significant reduction of the excessive presidential powers and its sharing with an Executive Prime Minister, the elimination of tribalism and grand corruption, the implementation of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) in which his faction of the ruling party Narc was to share power equally with the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) of Honourable Raila Odinga, among other things.

I must pose here and emphasize that in 2002, Kenyans voted Kibaki to power with the primary agenda for him to rejuvenate and cement a sense of nationalism; wherein Kenyans – regardless of ethnicity, religion or gender – would be able to proudly identify as true and complete citizens. Unfortunately, Kibaki made it his duty; from the day he took office, to betray both the people's agenda for change and their trust.

More than three quarters into his term, Kibaki has not honoured even a single key pre-election promise he made to the people of Kenya. Instead, he tried to force an unpopular constitution on the people, leading to the humiliating defeat of his government in a national referendum held in October 2005. The party Hon. Raila belongs to, the Orange Democratic Movement Party of Kenya (ODM) won that referendum by a wide and unprecedented margin.

Undeterred by that humiliation, Kibaki fired all cabinet ministers belonging to the ODM. He also refused to deal with corruption and tribalism. If anything, he has sharpened and deepened tribalism in the country as well as coddled and protected those accused of grand corruption. He did these while hypocritically stating that Kenya was a democracy where freedom of choice, opinion and conscience are respected!

The firing of ODM members from Kibaki's cabinet strengthened the hands of looters, tribalists and sectarians in Government. In stead of the corrupt being apprehended, charged, prosecuted and if found guilty severely punished, Kibaki gave the corrupt a blank cheque to siphon off massive public resources without any fear of repercussion. Those who tried to resist the newly strengthened "corruption machinery" found themselves in political and economic cold.

That explains why Kibaki’s former corruption Czar, John Githongo, is exiled in the United Kingdom and Canada while those he accused of grand corruption like Kiraitu Murungi and David Mwriraria are serving as cabinet ministers in the Kibaki’s government of dishonour, disgrace and Grand National Disunity (GNU).

I changed my mind as the speech crystallized. The more I thought about the primary imagery of my speech, the more I became angry, frustrated and extremely unhappy. Blood - our peoples’ floods of blood that has ceaselessly flowed since the 1800s - scared me. I could not talk about our people's blood that has flowed ceaselessly without remission for centuries and successfully avoid addressing our call for justice. For as you are all aware, justice delayed is justice denied.

Hundreds of thousands of Kenyans have been casualties of our internecine wars of liberation. The wars that started raging and have continued unabated from the 1800s, with the first structured encroachment of our country by external invaders; the Arabs and Europeans, are still going on different fronts.

We have had many wars of liberation in our beautiful country. And through it all, we have produced gallant, courageous and brilliant military geniuses, political organizers and brutally honest and committed revolutionaries.

Yet hardly any of our major war veterans have had monuments erected in their memory. Neither the post-colonial Kenyan government nor the ordinary people have constructed shrines and mausoleums in celebration or worship of our s/heroes.

Except for the Dedan Kimathi statute that the hypocritical Kibaki government constructed in Nairobi a few months ago, all the monuments we have built in the last 40 or so years have been in praise of collaborators and sellouts. Rather than sing songs of praises to our brave s/heroes, we have been dancing to the tunes of those who sold us to both local and external oppressors.

The real and true Kenyan s/heroes – Dedan Kimathi wa Hinga, Meketilili, Koitalel arap Samoei, Lwanda Magere, Bildad Kagia, Kungu Karumba, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Markhan Singh, Crispin Odhiambo Mbai, Pio Gama Pinto, Okong’o Arara and others – all those courageous sons and daughters of the land that braved the cold, the truncheons, the bayonets, the gun-powder, the dungeons and the inhumane brutalities of yore, have, without exception, been largely abandoned and their legacies relegated to the dusty bins and ruins of our history..

We have inscribed Holy Days in our calendars for collaborators but no special Holy Days for our s/heroes. In celebrating Jamhuri, Madaraka and all other post-colonial special days, we rarely mention, intone and regale in our s/heroes. It is as if we suffered a special permanent memory loss; the kind that selectively deleted from our memories names of all our s/heroes before independence and left only the data of the collaborators. The only time we have been able to remember some of our sons and daughters that contributed to our liberation, only the names of neo-colonial casualties have featured.

The so-called leaders – the Kenyattas, Mois and Kibakis - have consciously and actively suppressed the desire of Kenyans to have their history recorded properly and their aspirations realized. And why not? For if a true and accurate history of Kenya was to be written, these so-called leaders would be exposed and their records as colonial collaborators and musketeers who have spent all their adult lives trampling on Kenyans and the people's desire to break free from the yokes of oppression will be exposed. They have made their "careers" - or whatever they call what they have been doing - by tethering Kenyans with ignorance, hatred, division, blackmail, poverty and death.

After entrenching their systems of death, confusion, hatred and poverty on the people and ensured that it would continue to churn out political con men and musketeers, these leaders went into a deep slumber.

As Raila Odinga famously put it: Some of our leaders went to sleep in 1975 and have not woken up. For those people, the status quo is the only way, hope and dream. The only time they seem to wake up is when they are either ferreting their stolen loot out of the country or trying to put down a popular rebellion.

We have never actually, as a people, come to terms with our collective betrayals and insomniac memory loss. This is a sad legacy that begs our urgent attention now; not tomorrow.

Without knowing our true s/heroes, separating true s/heroes from sellouts, recognizing our s/heroes and putting them up on pedestals for our children to sing praises to, we, as a people, will find it almost impossible to develop and grow.

All the things we seem to hold dear; like democracy, freedom, economic development and technological advancement – essentially everything that we seem to worship – will not bring us peace, tranquility and prosperity if we abdicate from our cultures and refuse to embrace our positive historical legacies. Trying to permanently run away from our s/heroes and their legacies is like a person trying to flee from his or her shadow. The exercise is futile.

Yes, we have the right to live in a democratic, free and developed country where everyone has full access to all the basic human necessities like adequate housing, clean drinking water, free and compulsory basic education, publicly funded primary health care and humane working conditions. However, my point is that even with all that, which is our right, we will never be happy and at peace with ourselves and each other if we, as a people, fail or refuse to reclaim our cultures, have a sense of self-dignity as a people and a nation and fail or refuse to celebrate our s/heroes.

Let us challenge our elites; the intellectuals and scholars, the writers and thinkers, to wake up from their lethargies and embrace our s/heroes and the people's agenda for change.

Let us dedicate shrines, monuments and mausoleums for our s/heroes. But even more importantly, let us remain true to their legacies, philosophies and visions.

To do this effectively, we should record our s/heroes’ lives continuously and in easily accessible permanent ways and places. We should not just relegate our s/heroes to a few history lessons in our schools and treatises in our libraries. What we needed are creative national programs, initiatives and collective activities that will regenerate our s/heroes’ visions in our lives and enrich us with their wisdom and valour.

Our children and children’s children need to grow up with fond memories of our s/heroes; learning from both their achievements as well as from their mistakes. Our true nay suppressed history must inform their sense of identity and pride.

Today, I wish to remind Kenyans of a contemporary hero; one who made an extraordinary contribution towards our national liberation. In struggle, he suffered brutal torture and detention without trial, most of it in solitary and incommunicado. However, despite all these, his voice rose and rose again and again; taunting his oppressors and giving inspiration to the youth and the country. I am also asking that we remember Harrison Okong’o Arara because it appears as if no one truly knows what happened to him in prison or after he was released.

Okong’o Arara is a true hero, and we should never ever forget him and his legacy.

On November 8^th, 1988, Harrison Okong’o Arara faced his accusers, the presiding judge, the country and the world, and uttered the following words, when asked to state what mitigating circumstances, if any; he wanted the judge to consider before sentencing him for possession of an alleged "seditious" literature:

These are brave words. They remain permanently imprinted in my mind, as they must be in the minds of many thousands other people both in Kenya and abroad. These are words one should never forget. They are also words no country can be forgiven for dishonouring.

Okong’o Arara was both a casualty of the post-independence liberation struggle as well as one of its many giant heroes. He gallantly fought the liberation war when it might have been much more attractive and easier for him to close his eyes and ears and simply settle down and make money. With his originality, brilliance and courage, I have no doubt that he would have been "successful" on that score. But he chose to undertake the more treacherous task of liberating Kenya. For that, he deserves a coveted place in the annals of our country’s history.

Yet, I have recently learnt that Okong’o Arara came out of prison a broken man. He suffered from many illnesses including mental problems, resulting into his untimely death a few years ago, naked and alone – literally speaking. It is a mystery as to what happened to him in prison. But even more flabbergasting is the fact that Okong'o Arara's untimely death was never honoured with any eulogy; not even a single obituary note in our dailies. That is a shame, a scandal and a travesty!

It is imperative for us to remember and try and find out what our modern day colonialists did to Okong'o Arara; a true Kenyan hero.

But Kenya has also seen many Okong’o Araras, who, though without a voice and platform, have suffered cruel and unusual treatment and death at the hands of our selfish and miscreant leaders. They are the faceless victims of the different efforts of the various people’s uprisings, including many university student martyrs, who for the longest time, and at the height of Kenyatta's and Moi’s repressive regimes, served as the informal opposition. They also include those who lost their lives or were permanently maimed during the Saba Saba multi party uprisings, among many others.

Join me in celebrating the life and legacy of Okong’o Arara and many other Kenyan heroes who to-date remain faceless.

Tom Mboya's brother, the late Alphonce Okuku Ndiege, a man not remembered for his eloquence that his brother was celebrated for, made the following memorable statement at J.M. Kariuki’s funeral on March 16^th, 1975:

Of course, since Mr. Okuku made that moving speech and asked those painful questions, more Kenyans have perished through the political sword. We need not mention the thousands of Kenyans who were mowed down during the politically instigated "ethnic" clashes of the 1990s all over the country.

Pitifully, many Kenyans no longer behave as if they still remember the savage and brutal manners in which our former Foreign Minister, Dr. Robert Ouko, and the former University of Nairobi Professor, Crispin Odhiambo Mbai, were butchered, yet their killers are still free, tormenting us by the presence of their bloodied hands, ostentatious wealth stolen from the people and empty conscience.

I therefore urge all of you never to forget the Okong’o Araras of the world. For the sake of our future and that of our children, please let us try and protect the ordinary citizens of our country; those I have chosen to call The Majestic People of Kenya . For without their struggles, suffering, humiliation and commitments, we would not deserve, obtain or enjoy our freedoms.

A few weeks ago, The Guardian of London, UK, disclosed to a few people's surprise that Daniel arap Moi, his family and cronies looted and stashed more than 2 billion Sterling Pounds of public money in foreign countries and offshore jurisdictions. This massive loot was traced by Kroll Associates UK Ltd, a British risk specialist firm that was hired by the Kibaki Government upon taking power, at public expense, to trace and assist repatriate the stolen loot. The report by Kroll Associates was prepared and delivered to the current government in 2004.

We are here only talking of one company's publicly disclosed trace of stolen public money by Moi, his family and his cronies. By extrapolation, if we add 1 billion Sterling Pounds for the Kenyatta and Kibaki's administrations, we would be talking, conservatively, of about 4 billion Sterling Pounds spirited away from public coffers and kept from the Kenyan economy. Forget about the hundreds of billions of shillings that the Kenyan creme-dela-creme float on in the country.

I am not at all surprised. It is now clear why Moi, Kibaki, Biwott, Simeon Nyachae, Njenga Karume, Chris Murungaru and John Michuki are on the same side in this year's elections. It is also crystal clear why they are doing everything possible to thwart Raila Odinga's relentless match to power!

Those who have something to hide will always oppose change! They are the shady incorrigible characters who ride on the back of Kenyans, supinely massaging their bellies inflated with public loot, while loathing the thought that one day, Kenyans shall liberate themselves fully. These retrogressive agents of doom will also do their damnest to portray agents of change like Raila Odinga in the worst possible light they can conjure; hoping that the ordinary citizens are either naïve or stupid.

Fortunately, The Majestic People of Kenya are neither naïve nor stupid. They are also alert, ready and prepared to defend the gains they have made through their sweat and blood. I have hope that they will defeat the forces of darkness, repression, corruption and tribalism.

Finally, I would like to mention that I am extremely honoured today to be speaking in the presence of Honourable Raila Odinga, Kenya’s foremost agent of change and the next president of the Republic of Kenya.

As one that we have humbly named The People’s President, let me signal to Honourable Raila Odinga that Kenyans from all walks of life fully expect that when he finally takes over the reigns of government in January 2008, the country will turn its back, for good, on the politics of blood, rapacious looting, tribalism, exploitation and oppression.

With the preeminent agent of change presiding over a progressive administration in Kenya, we have confidence and hope that, finally, Kenyans will say, in memory of all our people who have perished, been maimed, detained, imprisoned, exiled or impoverished fighting for the total liberation of our country: Free at last! Thank God Almighty we are free at last!

Long live The Majestic People of Kenya!

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Akelo nyar Kager, jaluo@jaluo.com

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