[again] Op-Ed: Ethnic Political Elites resource dominance is source of tension in Africa ...

Bob/Sang,

Its been two months since I penned this article below. I have reposted it in order to provide an opportunity to reflectively review it.

Ahsanteni sana,

MM

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Op-Ed: Ethnic Political Elites resource dominance is source of tension in Africa ... ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

I penned this article on Oct-11-2007 (just about 2 months ago)

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Today I wanted to write on a regional/pan-African issues. Why is it that 30-40 years after the independence of most African states, sub- cultural issues related to political power dominance, exclusion and equity-distribution of resources emerged? And why have these left certain permanent cracks in the social-politic?

1. Baganda of Uganda – Why is it that the mere intention of a Baganda (majority ethnic group – population wise and most financially endowed) candidate for president immediately invokes a complete change in people's mind? Why is it that Ugandans in large numbers have seen it fit to extend the constitution and give Yoweri Museveni a 3rd term in office just so as to ensure no Baganda takes it? What is it about Baganda people that make the none-Baganda feverish? And why is it said that the Baganda people have no high regard for any none-Baganda, are know to only connect their kinsmen, are known to speak their language even when serving in public offices, are known to amplify the myth that Kampala (in ancestral Baganda territory) as their own place.

2. Zulu of South Africa – As the struggle for end of apartheid intensified, one of the Bantustans created by the Botha party was the Republic of Zulu-Natal. The governing regime had already identified this place as the most populous cultural grouping and most vibrant and easy to work with. This place personified the cracks of the united African solidarity movement against the Botha regime. As the signs of freedom began emerging, this place was amongst the earliest to insist on its own country. Even after Mandela took over, the ANC that had won landslide elections, their existed a separate distinct Inkatha-Freedom Party led by Chief Buthelezi. Mandela's tenure saw an attempt at integrating the IFP into power and he even experimented with a national unity GOVT so as to redress any feelings of exclusion. After Mandela's tenure ended, the IFP staged a political power play to try and succeed Mandela, which fortunately ended with ANC regaining power on the change platform of poverty reduction, social inclusion, equity distribution and jobs. As the successor's term nears an end in 2007/8, the social rumblings are again evident. With Zulu staging once again an attempt for power via the ANC's disgraced former VP-Jacob Zuma against the rest of the African-cultural groupings. Its clear which direction this contest may take.

3. Chagga of Tanzania – Despite being the most endowed with fertile land, and earliest to read, and earliest exposure to business making schemes, the Chagga's nearest space to political power has been that of a Prime Minister appointed in the Nyerere Govts. The Chagga are the 1st o 2nd most populous cultural grouping (depends on whom you ask – vs. the Sukuma. When multiparty politics emerged, the Chagga once again through various candidates attempted to form broad based coalition to take power. This invariably elicited mixed reactions from the other cultural groupings in TZ (there are about 180 tribes) which to this date has seen smooth transfer and rotation of power to almost 5 presidents but with no Chagga or even Sukuma. The rest of the country consider the Chagga (and to a small extent the Sukuma) as boisterous, discriminatory, socially exclusive and having no clue as to what exists outside Mt. Kilimanjaro land.

4. Ibo of Nigeria – Again, despite being the earliest to read, exposure to schooling, amongst the most populous of Nigeria's population, the Ibo's closest stab to power has been as Senior minister and PM in both civil and military led GOVTS. The Ibo are said to be a very proud, boisterous, have little regard for other cultural groupings in Nigeria and prefers to deal within itself. Testament to this fact, are the many Diaspora organizations that are clearly divided between Hausa, Yoruba, Ibo and the rest. After the emergence of multi party politics and resultant election of Obasanjo (himself a Yoruba), his plan to hand over power to Chief Akuti (Ibo) was constrained by his own cultural population who instead preferred to return it to the Northerners (Hausa). In fact, several Nigerian friends confirm that while most of the world was shocked at what happened to Chief Abiola, majority of the none-Ibo population were relieved.

5. GEMA of Kenya – Unlike the major neighbors in South Africa, Tanzania, Uganda, Nigeria, etc the GEMA of Kenya have had power, twice. First at independence for 15 years, which was then suddenly and sustainable interrupted for 25 years by a minority grouping (Kalenjin) who relied on support from the other none-GEMA groupings. The tone, conduct and exclusive tendencies of the first Kenyatta administration (and all its favoritism to GEMA people) played a large role as to why many none-GEMA's put up with the excesses of the MOI years. With the advent of multiparty in the 1990's, strong GEMA candidates backed by few other groupings emerged to make a serious stab and each ended with solid electoral and assisted defeats at the hands of the incumbent (himself a minority person). Come the watershed elections of 2002, various electoral pacts were made and for the first time, 2 GEMA candidates were on the ballot. Majority of the voters went for the nationalistic one and who was experienced and who promised inclusion, devolution of power, no ethnic-mafia-led corruption and sensitivity to marginalized and excluded groupings. Come 2007, the same echoes that used to be heard during the last years of the Kenyatta Presidency (GEMA) have resurrected and what emerged at the 2005 referendum was a a movement fearful of another GEMA administration attempt. Chief amongst the concerns from the none-GEMA was lack preferential treatment of GEMA agenda, corruption and lack of devolution of power and adequate (not token) resources.

The question then becomes, why is it that across the continent – in Uganda, South Africa, Nigeria, Tanzania, we see one big cultural grouping and its exclusive pursuit (or retention, promotion or exercise of political powers) a source of political tension:

- Some scholars argue that Tanzania and Uganda are stable because the big-two groupings have always been put in check. Coupled with this is the mandatory roational presidency between Tanganyika mainland and Zanzibar and the Ujamaa experiment social effects of Undugu Principle and less focus on kabilas and more on class issues. Others contend that in Uganda, after the civil war, majority of the none-Baganda were ready for a Westernite (Museveni – a Bunyore/Ankole/Tutsi) than a Baganda and after this, the country clamed.

- Others might also argue that the very existence of Hausas and Yoruba in Nigeria served as a mighty check against the Ibos and the smooth transfer of power has ensured some stability. Did anybody notice that our own Ali Mazrui mediated the Nigerian Crisis for years during the 1990's and conceived the idea of rotational pesidency (North-Hause, South-Yoruba, Ibo) and alternative VP (president-civil, vicepresident-army) to smoothen the country. Well, well, this is exactly what has happened.

- The Southern Africa democracy is still young. But certainly the GOVT has been adept at meeting some critical rural, urban needs (e.g. in Soweto, you see an amazing transformation of the slums into a low-cost housing area with piped water, roads, sanitation, etc). Additionally the existence of a very devolved consitution (provinces and federals govt) and checks/balances means some good is happening. Tensions are still there but as the black middle class (from all grouping) begins to take root, the focus is not shifting to class issues and less on tribal. But still a long way to go and south africa is not out of the woods yet as the impact of the Zimbabwe land-issue and the resultant refuggees may germinate some problems in terms of landlessness and re-distribution of ancestral land that had been taken away before.

- After the 2007 elections, we might as well update the chapter on whether or not the GEMA pursuit, promotion, exercise and retention of political power, the reasons and factors and future challenges. Clearly the 2005 referendum set the stage and its affects are still being felt today.

Finally, we all still have vivid memories on how culturally engineered (tribe, clan, and selective political use of GOVT power and resources led to the demise of the Rwanda (Hutu vs. Tutsi), Burundi (Hutus vs. Tutsi), Zaire, Congo, Ivory Coast, Zimbabwe, etc. I will leave you with one word that a Somali GOVT official made some months ago on a local TV station forum.

"… The planned, perceived or actual targeting, dominance and ultimate exclusion of certain groupings from political power and national resources will seem to work at the start. As it will benefit the early groups first, be it clan/family/tribe, but in the very end, everything will come apart since with limited resources, the mere lack of an equitable, participatory, devolved and citizen empowered system will bring forth greed, jealousy, fear, and despondency amongst the masses. In order to survive the ruling clan/tribal/class elites will have to invent ethnic/class/cultural stakes and these are the first signs of the bubble going burst ..."

Unedited (M. Mzalendo - Oct 11-2007)